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The Larouche Network by Copulos, Milton R. Institutional
Analysis #28
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(Archived document, may contain errors)
28
July 19, 1984 THE LAROUCHE NETWORK
INTRODUCTION*
While most Ameri-cans would readily list the names Hart,
Mondale, and Jackson as among this year's contenders for the
Democratic Party's presidential nomination, viewers of
late-night television might also mention the name Lyndon H.
LaRou'che. Since the onset of the primary season in January,
LaRouche has been featured in a series of periodic, late-night
television broad- casts promoting his candidacy, and his
bizarre political and economic theories. F- Billing himself as
a "conservative Democrat" LaRouche has regaled his audience
with predictions of imminent disaster that can only be averted
through his leadership. Coupled with his ominous forecasts of
catastrophes that range from "global thermo- nuclear war" to
worldwide economic collapse have been his wild assertions that
individuals such as Henry Kissinger and Lt. Gen. Daniel Graham
are "Soviet agents of influence." What makes such claims
particularly ironic is that this "conservative Democrat" was
in fact a self-proclaimed Communist, who once called himself
"the American Lenin,"' who helped found the violence-prone
U.S. Labor Party, and who leads what may well be one of the
strangest political groups in American history. Gregory
Rose, "The Swarmy Life and Times of the NCLC," National
Review, March 30, 1978.
Also see Francis Watson, "U.S. Labor Party," Heritage
Foundation Institu- tion Analysis No. 7, June 1978.
2 THE LAROUCHE NETWORK
Emerging from within the Students for a Democratic
Society (SDS) during the late 1960s, LaRouche has managed to
attract a small, but fanatical following to his conspiratorial
view of the world. Despite their small numbers (estimated at
from one to three thousand), he has managed to fashion them
into a surpris- ingly broad network of organizations that not
only encompasses many major cities in the U.S., but which
extends to Europe and Latin America as well.
Although all of the groups, at their core, adhere to
LaRouche's ideology, which holds that a "super
elite"--including such di-s- parate elements as the
Rockefeller family, the British Royal Family, the
Anti-Defamation League, the Soviet KGB, National Review, and
The Heritage Foundation--controls world events, many are set
up ostensibly as academic or charitable organizations. The use
of various fronts has been among the LaRouche network's most
suc- cessful tactics, enabling it to attract unwitting,
well-intentioned citizens to its cause. While these
individuals generally break any connection as soon as they
realize the real nature of LaRouche's organizations, in some
cases longer term,relationships are estab- lished.
Even innocent individuals who do not directly
participate in LaRouchd-sponsored activities often -end up
unwitting financial supporters of the-network through airport
purchases or subscrip- tions to LaRouche publications. Hawked
by clean-cut young people manning tables with signs that carry
slogans such as "Feed Jane Fonda To The Whales," magazines
like the slick Executive Intelli- gence Review (EIR), Fusion,
The Young Scientist-, and Campaigner, are a major source of
funds. In fact, some estimates of combined airport and
subscription sales put the annual revenue LaRouche generates
this way at as much as $3 million.
Because the LaRouche network contains such a large and
ever-changing list of political organizations, publications,
and business enterprises, it is useful to categorize the
network's elements into three groups: publications and
publishing enter- prises, political groups, and businesses. A
list of current and former elements of the network includes:
Political Groups
The National Caucus of Labor Committees (NCLC) The
International Caucus of Labor Committees (ICLC) The National
Democratic Policy Committee The Fusion Energy Foundation (FEF)
The Lafayette Academy for the Arts and Sciences The Humanist
Academy The LaRouche Campaign (TLC) The U.S. Labor Party
(dormant) The National Anti-Drug Coalition The Club of Life
The Revolutionary Youth Movement
3 The National Unemployed and Welfare Rights
Organization (NUWRO) The International Workingman's
Association (IWA) The Labor Organizer's Defense Fund The
Committee for a Fair Election (CFE) (dormant)
Publications and Publishing Enteprises
New Solidarity (a newspaper) New Solidarity
International Press Service (NSIPS) Fusion Magazine
International Journal of Fusion Executive Intelligence Review
(EIR) Investigative Leads (an EIR spin-off) War on Drugs The
Young Scientist The New Benjamin Franklin House Publishing
Company Campaigner Magazine Campaigner publications American
Labor Beacon (reported to be currently in the hands of
dissident members of the network) NSIPS Speakers Bureau
Business Enterprises
Computron Technologies (now bankrupt) Compittype (a
financial printing firm) WoXld Composition Services* PMR
Printing Company, Inc.
ACCESS TO PUBLIC OFFICIALS
A major concern regarding the LaRouche network arises from
its apparent ability to penetrate high government circles--
especially within the intelligence and police communities.
This ability was underscored by a documentary which aired
earlier this year as part of the NBC newsmagazine "First
Camera." The broad- cast featured, among others, Dr. Norman
Bailey, a former member of the National Security Council
Staff. In the press release announcing the program NBC stated
that Dr. Bailey "spoke of LaRouche's value to the
Administration.112 Moreover, reports by former members3 of the
LaRouche network indicate that it main- tained regular and
frequent contacts with officials of the Depart- ment of State,
FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration, and even the Central
Intelligence Agency. While some of these claims may be
overstated, and some of the contacts may have been low-level
or self-generated, the potential for security breaches and
other problems arising from such relationships remains very
real. A recent incident in France illustrates this point. 2
NBC Press Release dated March 4, 1984. 3 Information Digest,
March 30, 1978.
4 A minor furor erupted earlier this year following the
dis- closure of a confidential French Cabinet memorandum by
LaRouche followers there. The memo, which ironically was
intended to warn French officials about possible ties between
the LaRouche network and Moscow, had been circulated to less
than a dozen top people within the French Cabinet. After
obtaining the document, LaRouche followers published it as
part of a full-page newspaper advertise- ment. Although the
document's contents were a minor embarrassment, what was of
real concern was the fact that to have access to it, the
leaker also had to have had access to a wide range of
sensitive material, including defense information.
In addition to gaining access to official circles, the
LaRouche network frequently has succeeded in insinuating its
followers into positions with organizations it sees as part of
the worldwide conspiracy. one of the most celebrated incidents
involved a secretary who was a network member working for the
Council on Foreign Relations. In the course of her normal
duties, she worked at least part of the time for William P.
Bundy, editor of their prestigious journal, Foreign Affairs.
She even attended the super-secret Bilderberg meeting, a
meeting which includes much of the world's business and
foreign policy elite, with him and had access to its
proceedings.4
What puzzles most casual observers of the LaRouche
opeiation is just what it is that the organization really
stands for, and what it is that it ;;ants.0 Depending on the
moment and the issue, LaRouche can appear to be ultra left
wing, ultra right wing, or somewhere in between. There are,
however, certain themes that run consistently through his
network's ideology. Among them are 5 a virulent anti-Semitism,
a belief that world events are guided by a conspiracy aimed at
eventually causing a new "Dark Ages," and that Lyndon H.
LaRouche is the only individual who has the insight to prevent
this calamity from overtaking mankind. The question to be
asked then is: Who is Lyndon LaRouche?
WHO IS LYNDON LAROUCHE?
Born of Quaker parents in Rochester, New Hampshire in 1922,
LaRouche spent most of his formative years in Lynn,
Massachusetts. Initially a conscientious objector during World
War II, LaRouche had an apparent change of heart while
performing alternative service, and subsequently served in the
Army in Burma and India. It was also at this time that
LaRouche was first attracted to communist ideology. 4 Paul
Blum and Paul Montgomery, "One Man Leads U.S. Labor Party on
Its Erratic March," The New York Times, October 8, 1979. 5 In
October 1980, New York State Supreme Court Justice Michael
Dontzin held that the Anti-Defamation League's
characterization of a LaRouche Group as anti-Semitic
constituted "fair comment," and that the facts presented in
the case "reasonably give rise" to such characterization.
5 After leaving the service, LaRouche surfaced in 1948
as a member of the Socialist Workers Party, a Trotskyite
communist group. Although he left the SWP in 1957, he
continued to be active in communist circles, and supported
himself by working as a management consultant and systems
analyst. During the late 1960s, LaRouche was listed as a
faculty member at several of the Marxist "alternative schools"
which sprang up at the time, using the name "Lynn Marcus." In
June 1968, LaRouche became active with the radical Students
for a Democratic Society (SDS), teach- ing a course at their
"Summer Liberation School" organized at Columbia University.
From this, he was able to assume a leader- ship role in the
SDS Labor Committee which eventually evolved into the National
Caucus of Labor Committees.
During a dispute over support of striking teachers in
New York City, LaRouche split with the SDS leadership by
taking a position on behalf of the strikers, and broke off the
NCLC from the SDS. This group, which remains in existence
today, formed the core of what would become the LaRouche
network.
Although LaRouche publicly eschews violence, over the
years members have been charged with a variety of offenses,
including assault, possession of weapons, possession of
explosives, and kid- napping. There have, however, been few
convictions.
e In 1973 LaRouche undertook "Opefation M9p Up," as a
means of consolidating his hold on what was a de facto attempt
to take full control of the U.S. Gommunist Party. Operation
Mop Up was initi- ated after Lakouche returned from an
extended trip to Europe, and took place during Spring 1973.
During this action, more than 60 incidents of violence took
place, with some victims of LaRouche's forces requiring
hospital treatment. Ironically, according to published
reports, it was this move towards violence that cemented
LaRouche's leadership of the U.S. Labor Party, and helped to
increase its membership and coffers.
ATTEMPTS TO ESTABLISH TIES WITH CONSERVATIVES
In 1974, the LaRouche network began an active campaign to
establish links with conservative groups. An internal
memorandum written at the time stated "Right wing
organizations offer four opportunities: 1) Sources of fund
raising related to our organiz- ing, 2) Political contacts to
circulate our perspectives in anti-Rocky political financial
military circles, 3) opportunity to expose and discredit
Rocky's Buckley-FBI-CIA penetration of' the right, 4)
potential USLP members and periphery. 16 The "Rocky" refers to
the late Nelson Rockefeller, while the Buckley is William F.
Buckley, editor of National Review. 6 Rose, op. cit.
6 In making contacts in the conservative and business
communi- ties, fronts like the National Anti-Drug Coalition
and Fusion Energy Foundation were particularly valuable. The
slick publica- tion Executive Intelligence Review was also
aimed at this audience.
Typically, USLP members would approach conservatives or
businessmen by appealing to their concerns over issues such as
economic growth, nuclear power, or drug use. They would then
try to solicit a donation for one of the LaRouche fronts
declaiming on these issues, or ask for other assistance.
Throughout the 1970s the LaRouche network was particularly
successful in obtain- ing financial support for the Fusion
Energy Foundation from the business community, in the form of
direct contributions and sub- scriptions to FEF's slick
magazine Fusion.
Its most successful publication, however, seems to be
Executive Intelligence Review, with a claimed circulation of
10,000. The Review deals with a wide range of topics, but fre-
quently focuses on security matters and terrorism. The
magazine's success in attracting readers for such material
gave rise to the creation of a spin-off newsletter
"Investigative Leads," which is specifically targeted at law
enforcement officials. -
While in most cases LaRouche's attempts to work
directly with conservatives and business groups have been
short-lived, his network hashad considerable success in
selling their high-priced publications to this audience. At a
subscription rate of $400 .per year, Executive Intelligence
Review's 10,000 claimed sub- scribers would garner revenues
oT__$4_m_'I`llion annually. Thus, often without realizing it,
the magazine's subscribers are sup- porting the LaRouche
network's other activities.
Another means by which the LaRouche network establishes
links to business is through the operation of commercial firms
that specialize in printing services and computer software.
Some of America's largest corporations have been unknowing
clients of LaRouche-controlled companies, and some of his
followers are reported to hold high-level postions with at
least one major manufacturer of small computers. Included
among the firms linked to LaRouche are Computron Technologies
Inc., The New Benjamin Franklin House Publishing Company,
World Composition Services, and PMR Printing Company.
ANTI-SEMITISM AND TIES WITH HATE GROUPS
One of the most disturbing turns in the path of LaRouche's
ideology has been his incorporation of strong anti-Semitic
themes into the grand conspiracy he claims steers world
events. As part of this move, LaRouche has established ties
with organizations which promote racial hatred and
anti-Semitism, including the Ku Klux Klan and the Liberty
Lobby.7 7 Ibid.
7 In promulgating these themes, LaRouche has made claims
that Jewish organizations and prominent members of the Jewish
community are linked to the international drug trade, that
they deal in pornography, and are linked to international
terrorism and criminal violence. According to reports,8
LaRouche even alleged in a radio interview that the Ku Klux
Klan was founded on behalf of B1nai BIrith, and has stated
that he found a "kernal of truth" in the "Protocols of the
Elders of Zion,119 one of the most vicious anti-Semitic
fabrications in history.
In addition, according to the Anti-Defamation League,
LaRouche and his followers have alleged that "Jews were
largely responsible for bringing Hitler to power, and that the
Nazi Holocaust is one of the hoaxes produced by the Zionist
demagog.1110 He also has saved particular venom for the
Anti-Defamation League itself, labeling the organization
"Britain's Zionist Gestapo.1111
The move by the LaRouche network to establish links
with hatemongers dates from 1974. At that time, the National
Caucus of Labor Committees was the primary vehicle for
LaRouche's fol- lowers. In September of that year, the NCLC
made contact with Ken Duggan, publisher of The Illuminator, a
racist and anti- Semitic magazine. Through Duggan, according
to an account published by an ex-LaRouche follower in National
Review, LaRouche was introduced to a number of individuals
associated with anti- Semitic or racist groups including Roy
Fraiikhouser, a leader of the Pennsylvania Ku Klux Klan, and
Willis Carto of the Liberty Lobby- From then on, anti-Semitism
became an increasing component of LaRouche's overall
conspiracy theory.
What makes the hatemongering aspect of the LaRouche
network .a serious concern is that the organization has had a
history of violence, and has even had some of its members
undergo paramili- tary training. Over the years, LaRouche
followers have been charged with--although infrequently
convicted of--criminal acts including assault, kidnapping,
possession of weapons, and pos- session of explosives.
Moreover, LaRouche generally travels with armed bodyguards,
and is reported to keep armed guards outside his New York
apartment. The potential to turn the network's proclivity for
violence against a specific racial or ethnic group is real.
LAROUCHE AND THE PRESIDENCY
It is LaRouche's attempts to gain the U.S. presidency, more
than anything else, that have brought him into the public
eye. 8 Information Digest, op. cit. 9 Defamation League
handbook on extremist groups. 10 Ibid. 11 _'_'T__he LaRouche
Network: A Political Cult," ADL Facts, Spring 1982.
8 His first attempt was in 1976 when he ran under the
U.S. Labor Party's banner. Although he got on the ballot in 24
states, he polled only 43,043 votes. Still, this campaign give
rise to one of the odder political match-ups in U.S. political
history: a joint suit charging election fraud entered into by
a coalition of the U.S. Labor Party, elements of the
Republican Party, and some members of the American Party.
The dismal 1976 showing may have convinced LaRouche of
the futility of running on a third-party ticket. Thus when he
ran in 1980, he did so as a Democrat. On the ballot in some 16
states, LaRouche polled 185,000 votes and qualified for
$526,000 in federal matching campaign funds. However, a
subsequent ruling by the Federal Election Commission (FEC)
held that LaRouche's failure to win at least 10 percent of the
vote in two successive primaries disqualified him from
eligibility for matching funds after April 17, 1980, requiring
the organization to return $110,618. This decision was
appealed, and in March 1982, the federal court barred the FEC
from conducting additional investigations until the one under
way was completed. In November 1982, Citizens for LaRouche
reached a settlement with the FEC, admitting to a variety of
violations of the Campaign Financing Act, including the
submis- sion-of "false or misleading informat@ionll to the
FEC.
After the 1980 campaign, LaRouche established the
National Democratic Policy Committee as a vehicle for his and
his followers, candidacies." Claiming 2,600 members, the
4TD.PC is a source of considerable dismay within the
Democratic National Committee, with which it is often
confused. It also indicates LaRouche's new strategy, which is
to represent himself as a "conservative Democrat." In fact, it
is merely the successor of the now defunct U.S. Labor Party as
LaRouche's political arm.
A number of state and local candidates have been
fielded from within the NDPC's ranks over the past several
years. Included among them are Mel Klenetsky, LaRouche's
campaign manager, who ran for Mayor of New York, and William
Wertz who ran for the U.S. Senate from California in 1982.
Often running unopposed for seats on local party
committees, or for offices where the other party's candidate
would be unop- posed, LaRouche followers are becoming a more
frequent presence on ballots around the nation. And their
effort at the polls is not limited to the U.S. During last
year's West German Bundestag elections, Helga Zepp LaRouche,
wife of the network's founder, ran unsuccessfully as a
candidate. The thrust of all of these electoral efforts,
however, is to boost LaRouche's perceived credibility as a
major political influence. This is perhaps as important for
LaRouche in terms of maintaining his hold over his followers
as for giving him any real effectiveness within the political
process.
WHAT DOES LAROUCHE WANT?
In trying to determine just who Lyndon LaRouche is, and
what it is that he wants, a confused picture emerges. on the
one
9
hand, his known links to hate groups might place him beyond
the respectable political spectrum; yet his continuing
advocacy of communism would tend to place him at the far left.
To further confuse matters, he has recently taken to attacking
the Soviet KGB, and accusing various individuals of being
"Soviet agents of influence" or KGB moles, while at the same
time taking positions which in the end advance Soviet foreign
policy goals. Some insight into the possible motivations
behind LaRouche's seemingly erratic ideological shifts can be
gained from a March 1979 expose of the U.S. Labor Party
written by Gregory Rose, a former member of that group.
writing in National Review, Rose noted that LaRouche main-
tained contact w-Pth @theSoviet government through Gennady
Nikolayevich Serebreyakov, an official with the Soviet Mission
to the U.N. in New York. Moreover, LaRouche himself was
reported to have met with Serebreyakov at least twice. Rose
reports that after these meetings, "The NCLC's Trotskyite line
was replaced with a pro-Soviet line." More important, he
speculates that "The NCLC is in a position to promote a
pro-Soviet line on such issues as U.S. defense posture within
certain conservative circles, whereas the Soviets could not
make such an approach directly. It is equally obvious that
information on conservative attitudes and personalities gained
from NCLC contacts would be helpful to Soviet intelligence."
Rose conclu(ies 11 ... the evidence of a Soviet connictionois
extensive and well-founded. Conservatives should regard the
NCLC with hostility and should warn, and if necessary
repudiate those on the Right whom it has ensnared."
Since Rose's article appeared in March 1979,,other evidence
to suggest that the LaRouche network is at a minimum
supporting some of Moscow's foreign policy goals has continued
to mount. For example, in its August 6, 1981 issue, New
Solidarity, the principal LaRouche political publication,
stated "One year ago Poland was the 10th-ranking industrial
nation in the world. Today--after one year of destabilization
by the British-infil- trated Solidarity union--the country
faces economic ruin, starva- tion, and social chaos .... 11 In
January 1982, commenting again on Poland, New Solidarity
called U.S. Secretary of State Alexander Haig "a i'eading
spokesman for the forces Pravda charged are seeking to provoke
direct Soviet military n-tervention in Poland."
LaRouche network publications also frequently engage in
attacks on leading opponents of Soviet-inspired terrorism,
includ- ing such well-known experts in the field as Robert
Moss and Arnaud de Borchgrave and on leading anti-communist
figures such as the late Reps. John Ashbrook and Larry
McDonald. More important, they have also on occasion attempted
to obtain sensitive defense information from contacts on
Capitol Hill, and within the govern- ment. In one specific
instance, a member of the LaRouche network attempted to obtain
from a member of the House Armed Services Committeee staff the
range of the U.S. cruise missile--one of America's most
sensitive military secrets.
10
Whether witting or unwitting, it remains clear that ulti-
mately the publications and rhetoric of the LaRouche network
will end up with positions that are favorable to the Soviet
Union. The fact that their positions are cloaked in ostensibly
conserva- tive rhetoric merely makes-their pro-Soviet slant
harder to perceive. what remains true, however, is that their
efforts in the long run can only serve to further Soviet
propaganda aims within a sector of the population that Moscow
could never reach directly.
CONCLUSION
Perhaps the most dangerous aspect of the LaRouche
network is its ability to adapt whatever coloration is best
able to hide its real nature at any given moment. Through its
fronts and publica- tions, it continues to influence thousands
of Americans, who have no inkling of the bizarre and viciously
anti-Semitic conspiracy theories that underlie its philosophy.
Moreover, this tendency to create a new front whenever it
appears that a new issue has emerged and can be capitalized on
makes it necessary to remain ever watch- ful for the latest of
the cult's creations.
The persistent reports of high-level access and the
continu- ing, albeit obfuscated support of Soviet foreign
policy goals that are so much a part of LaR6uche's rhetoric,
make his network more than merely a fringe group that is
essentially a nuisance. At a minimum, its 'anti-Semitism is an
affront to decency, and its proclivity for violence a threat
to civil oraer. In the worst case, it may well be the
strangest asset for the KGB's disinforma- tion effort.
Milton R. Copulos Senior Policy Analyst
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